Esprit de Corps

One of the most downplayed news stories from last week was the bombshell revelation that the United Arab Emirates has essentially kicked the Canadian Forces out of Dubai.

The troops and civilians based at Camp Mirage were put on 30-days notice to pack up their tents, kit and supplies and get the hell out of the UAE by Nov. 5, case closed.

When word of this development was first made public, Defence Minister Peter MacKay was actually on the ground in Afghanistan. Asked by reporters for comment in Kandahar, MacKay’s statements were vague enough to offer the hope that the UAE’s decision may yet be reversed.

However, the next day, as MacKay and his entourage, which included Chief of the Defence Staff General Walter Natynczyk and Minister of Veterans Affairs Jean-Pierre Blackburn, attempted to fly home to Canada via Camp Mirage, the UAE slammed any door to future negotiations firmly shut. For the VIP Canadian delegation, even access through UAE airspace was denied, and their plane was unexpectedly re-routed through Europe.

While Canadian officials may now be attempting to diminish the importance of the loss of Camp Mirage, the fact is that, without this staging area in the Persian Gulf, there is no way we could have maintained our successive battle groups in Afghanistan.

It was in the immediate aftermath of 9/11 that Canada first negotiated permission to use a portion of a UAE airbase outside of Dubai as a forward logistics base, and virtually every soldier entering and exiting Kandahar is processed through Camp Mirage, along with the vast majority of our contingent’s vital supplies.

In the nine years of its existence, Mirage has become quite a comfortable transit facility, complete with an excellent dining hall, airconditioned personnel quarters, a first-class fitness centre plus shuttle buses to the international airport and Dubai’s world-renowned shopping mall. Those elements may not be difficult to replace or live without during this short-term eviction and relocation period.

What will be a difficult challenge for the Canadian Forces to overcome will be carrying on business as usual in terms of supporting the troops in Kandahar, processing soldiers through their leave cycles and beginning preparations for the planned withdrawal in July 2011—all while breaking down, packing, shipping and re-establishing another regional staging area.

This would be like a hospital at maximum capacity having to continue treating all its patients—including surgery—while preparing the entire facility to be transported to an undisclosed country, somewhere in the vicinity.

At the root of this diplomatic impasse is the fact that, about five years ago, the UAE began pressuring the Canadian government to open up additional weekly flight slots to their two government-owned air carriers, Emirates Airlines and Etihad Airways.

With Air Canada resisting such territorial encroachment into their market, in February of this year the UAE openly linked their request to the continued viability of the Camp Mirage facility.

For some unknown reason, the Conservative government failed to see how the UAE could possibly link these two situations together.

On the one hand, Canada was using UAE airspace and landing rights to pursue national interests, namely, to support the war in Afghanistan.

For their part, the UAE were requesting that we reciprocate their generosity by allowing them access to Canadian airspace and landing rights in pursuit of their national interests, namely supporting their state-run airlines. That seems like a pretty straight swap to me. But what do I know?

Given that Canada did not negotiate a set rental agreement, and to date has not paid the

UAE any compensation for the use of Camp Mirage, there were undoubtedly a few smug bean-counters who thought we could ride out this freebie until after the 2011 pullout. At that point, Canada would be free and clear, the military mission would be over and Air

Canada would not have to worry about being pressured into giving up any lucrative routes.

Unfortunately, those politicians and civil servants who thought they could play in the big leagues have just been taught a lesson in horse-trading by the UAE. Sensing that we were dealing in bad faith, they too saw the looming exit date and decided to act when it would hurt us the most.

According to Conservative Party insiders, Peter MacKay was among a handful of cabinet ministers who pleaded with Prime Minister Stephen Harper to allow the UAE the additional flights requested. If true, I applaud MacKay for understanding the gravity of the situation.

If it was the case, as alleged in the Globe and Mail, that Stephen Harper chose to listen instead to the counsel of former transport minister John Baird, then Canada’s prime minister has suffered a significant lapse in judgment.

Barking monkeys serve the purpose of frightening off smaller monkeys. (And it is an indisputable fact that John Baird has been the Conservative Party’s designated barking monkey since he was appointed to Cabinet in 2006.) However, such primates should never be consulted on matters of delicate diplomacy.

The enormity of Harper’s blunder will soon become apparent as the men and women of the Canadian Forces attempt to deal with the fallout from the Mirage closure.

Stay tuned.

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